2. How does it fit with Compass’ core beliefs of equality, solidarity, democracy, freedom, sustainability and well being?
A herd mentality is being blamed on the economic crisis. Until the music stops everyone kept on dancing. In journalism following the pack meant that alternative voices to the prevailing orthodoxy of neo-liberalism were not heard. Despite its failings public service broadcasting needs defending. Nor is it the time to relax media ownership rules to allow ever greater monopolies in local newspapers. Defending public service media and diversity in regionalism goes some way to protecting democracy.
3. How does it build the institutions of social democracy, like social groups and collective and cooperative forms of ownership and control?
Civic media sector consisting of media linked to collective organisations such as environmental groups and trade unions would never be realised without public funding. Relaxing rules that limit cross media ownership to allow provincial newspapers, local radio and TV stations from becoming a monopoly will constrain social and civic structures.
4. How much will it cost or raise and where will any cost come from?
Defending public service broadcasting and diversity cannot be measured in actual cost.
5. Which groups in the electorate are likely to support or oppose this measure? Is there any polling evidence you have on this?
The bosses who have already torn the guts out of ITN and weakened its capacity as a newsgathering organisation are doing the same with ITV. Bad management in ITV has left its regionalism structure in tatters - its publc service remit vulnerable. Mainstream newspapers are now colonising the web with unregulated video. Political television advertising without rules of impartiality is coming in by stealth. Come the European elections - the European sceptism of Associated and, News corporation will be unchecked.
6. Is there a place or country where it’s worked? Please provide some information.
Because I am arguing that we defend public service broadcasting and fight against the proposals to relax the rules on media ownership I guess in answer to this question although its far from perfect - the UK.
7. What are the three main arguments in favour/against it?
1. Quality programmes can only be maintained and sustained within public service broadcasting.
2. Diversity - relaxing the rules on cross media ownership in the local newspaper sector will restrict plurality of voices. Media conglomerates that already have local print monopolies failed to invest in websites and then objected to the BBC’s plans for local video websites. I know this is controversial but it goes some way to prevent further weakening of local media.
3. Regionalism - the ITV structure has been gutted. Any further diminishing of regionalism will lead to an homogenised media that doesn’t serve the people.

Public service broadcasting in the UK has established standards over political impartiality and the protection of minorities which are admired around the world. The question which needs answering is why the heirarchy of the BBC have failed in recent years to defend the principle of a universal licence fee. The decline set in during the years John Birt was director general. Instead of fighting publicly to defend the BBC — by setting out a clear argument which the public would understand and support — he preferred the New Labour way of doing business, via consultants, policy advisers and think tanks. In the process the BBC has lost its way, unable to identify, let alone defend, what it is best about public service broadcasting at a time when ITV is on its knees, through its own mismanagement and the effects of the credit crunch.
The relaxation of the rules on cross-media ownership seems a certainty. Media companies have worked behind the scenes to twist the arm of officials in Peter Mandelson’s department BERR and it seems it will only be a question of time before further consolidation is given the green light. On the one hand the government seems ready to allow the creation of local monopolies across newspapers, radio, television and the internet yet, at the same time, these proprietors succeeded in putting the frighteners on ministers over the BBC’s plans to create ultra-local websites and this initiative had to be abandoned. What the regulators seem to have forgotten is that it is these self same local newspaper groups which are only now waking up the fact that they failed in previous years to invest in their online output and have lost advertising income as a result. The government’s objective should be to assist the creation of new media outlets, such as citizen newspapers and websites instead of letting failed media proprietors have it all their own way.
Democracies need definitive and deep sources of information to function properly, not the business-led agenda which has informed the reportage of for-profit media over many decades.
The question to ask is not how much media ownership regulation will cost, but what is the cost of poor political decision-taking by society proper regulation in the interests of plurality is absent.
There is no question that most media in recent years have happily trotted out the now discredited mantra of small government and individual choice, and they are partly responsible for the collective sense of shock over the economic crisis.
Although there have been contrary voices in the media - I cite Larry Elliott, Gillian Tett, and Graham Turner - it was in the interests of most media organisations to continue supporting the neo-liberal orthodoxy, not least because it was good for their share prices.
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